India Then and Now Part 1

Political Philosophy of India was on complete disarmament and world free from Nuclear  weapons.  Gandhian philosophy of nonviolence, mutual cooperation and truthfulness could not sustain immediately after the Great Theocentric divide and partition. The Violence and bloodshed that started with a new revived phase on 16 August 1946 continued with October attack on Kashmir by the newly born Pakistan. Soon the Chinese incursions set a new security concern. The Government led by Jawaharlal Nehru relied on friendship and deposed trust in the Chinese leadership under Chou en Lai that territorial violations would not escalate. India refused accept that china waged a war with India, instead treated the whole situation as an aggression.  However, much against the political notions, from the initial set backs, Indian Army mounted an assault on the invading Chinese contingents , forcing them to flee.  Eye witness narratives point towards  and the real data huge difference in the official data of casualties on Chinese side.  It was an unprecedented shock for the Chinese Communist Party, deciding to withdraw their positions which was evident from the response from the Chinese Government. " Beginning from December 1, the Chinese frontier guards will withdraw 20 kilo meters from the line of actual control as on November 7, 1959.". That was a new beginning and a matter of great psychological win fro the Indian Armed Forces. 

Today,  the ear on India has to be based on skepticism generated from  undisclosed Defense technological secrets that will  point to a   disaster of indefinite proportions  for any country.  The Country has just displayed the effectiveness  of integrating  indigenously developed systems  with imported ones to create an architecture that had proved its outstanding capabilities in Operation Sindoor. At the same time time immediately before the 1962 invasion of China, the Prime Minister of India showed his reliance to low quality Indian weaponry  than importing  the weapons from other countries that were useless for them. 

The change is visible. as one goes through the political outlook of India in 1962.  the  debates in the Parliament on Chinese incursions will provide a clear and concise picture, 

On  06 December   1961,  Braja Kishore Sinha called the attention of the Rajya Sabha on the Chinese incursions into the Indian Territory.

A sizeable area of our territories were lost from within a decade, starting with 12,000 square miles in 1956 that led to several changes in the international borders between 1959 and 1961. Attack on Assam Riles post in Lingju of Arunachal Bhutan Border.in 1950 was not taken up seriously.  Lingju was taken over by China and Assam riffles had to withdraw. For the First time, Guns sounded in the India China Border,

Nehru took the stand that the Lingju confrontation as a creation of those who stood for the liberation of Tibet. The Government of India had hidden the information from the people on the Chinese taking away 12000 square miles.

Barely an year before Chinese Communist forces launched a full scale attack deep inside NEFA, the  question raised by Pandit Hridyanathh Kurzu in November 1961 in on the area taken away by the Chinese, the Prime Minister holding the Ministry of External Affairs had stated that :

"The exact area is the area of the post. There is no other area. They sit on a post. Now the influence of that post round about is not occupation, but its influence. They do not occupy any other territory, actual occupation. It is just that post, whatever it may be, a few hundred yards or so, but actually a post has certain influence round about. How far round about depends upon many circumstances. It is not occupation; any other area is not occupied."

On the motion of  06 December961, a motion on the Chinese incursions Rajya Sabha the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru replied:.

“… So the point we have been considering is what has appeared in the course of the last year—that is a narrow issue—and if you like in that connection, what our broad policies are. I stated that what has happened in the course of the last year on the Chinese side was, so far as we knew, that three check-posts or military posts had been established. We cannot give the exact date, it is not possible. We can only say that it was not there on one day and later it was there on some other day when our reconnaissance party went there. Or, in other words, we got to know about it then. We heard about it in September—in the 'beginning or middle of September. And so, we mentioned these three posts—one, rather in the north, not far from the Karakoram and not far from an important post that we have— a long name, I forget it at the moment—and their post is on the Chipchop River about fifteen miles to east of our post and two posts in the southern region of northern Ladakh which we mentioned and which we said were round about the international frontier.”.

“….Now, one word about building of roads. An hon. Member has asked why they have built thousands of miles of roads on their side and we have not done so still. The broad answer to that question is that the terrain they have to pass through is far easier to build roads on than the terrain we have on our side. That is to say, there are broad plateaus, ups and downs. Road-making in Tibet, apart from the high mountains that come in, is merely pulling out trees and levelling and nothing else, no application of anything, because the moment it is levelled it is a road. Owing to extreme winter the ground is so hard that nothing more is done. We have ourselves built one airfield at least in these high regions in Ladakh which cost us at that time, I do not know, exactly Rs. 400. Practically nothing. It meant really sweeping the place and removing little boulders and stones and pulling out shrubs and it became an airfield, not a first class one but good enough for use. So that road-making on the other side has been a very much simpler undertaking. Then on our side we have to cross high mountain peaks, passes, up and down precipices. Hon. Members who have cared to see the photographs of some places— even the Himachal Pradesh roads that are being built— will realize the extremely hazardous nature of this road-making. That is one reason. I think we have proceeded fairly well with road making in these mountains. The real difficulty has been that we have to take everything—I mean every machine, every screw has to be taken by air and that led, naturally, to our trying to acquire bigger transport planes, big ones to carry these things. We did that and matters have been progressing fairly well and I can assure Dr. Kunzru that it is not in an attempt to save a few crores of rupees that we have allowed, or we are going to allow, this to suffer.”

” But there is another fact. Apart from any temporary affair, in any major conflict anywhere with any country, our first and basic defence is the industrial position we hold behind it, what we are producing—I am not talking about other things, of war material and the rest but everything—whether it is aircraft, whether it is guns, whether it is other things. That is the basic thing. If one does not have it, one depends on external sources which are not very reliable and not forthcoming at the time. It is better, I have always held—and that has been the opinion of some of  the highest military advisers that we get from abroad to advise us—it is better to have second class weapons which you produce yourself and have them in abundance than an improved weapon which you do not produce and which may be denied to you at the time of need and which may get out of order and you cannot put it right and then you are helpless. However, that is a matter of opinion”.

“Anyhow, the basic thing for defence is the Plans. All these Five Year Plans are basic for the defence of India. People seem to think that the Five Year Plans are something isolated from the defence of India. Some people in the other place said, "Oh, scrap the Five Year Plans and go in our defence" which showed how little understanding there is as to what is required for defence. All this is required— may be some odd thing or may not be—but whether we want an iron and steel factory, it is essential for defence. All that defence -wants is steel. So, in building up defence, in building up  the strength of India for protecting the security of India, building up this industrial apparatus is highly important. We may give a twist to the industrial apparatus so as to build more of defence. That is another matter. But essentially the things are common whether It is defence, or whether it is any kind of civil advance. So, as I said, in considering the position as it is, arising during the last year this has happened to the best of our know ledge and we consider it as a serious matter, not merely as an intention or intent but as something that has been done-“

"We have meanwhile also put up a number of posts, che»k-posts, military posts. It is not quite proper for me to give the exact locations of them except the one I have mentioned which is right near the Karakoram and which prevents any flanking movement fro« that side. The position is that, when people ask how -much territory they have taken over, committed aggression on—the Chinese —and vaguely they say ten thousand miles, fifteen thousand miles or two thousand miles, it is difficult to say that because it is not occupied in the ordinary sense of the word, although it is true that a certain influence is exercised over a certain territory by these check-posts, and one may say that where there is a succession of check-posts they are, in a sense, in possession of the territory behind them. That is so. On the other hand, there are some check-posts which are like a zigzag. They are check-posts and it cannot be said that they have occupied that territory. I do not wish to make much of the facts. It really does not make very much difference. The point is how much strength they have to control that place because occupation there is not occupation of territory where people live. They are just mountains and other things and in that sense I had said that it was not correct that the building up of one check-post in the north— there is one in the north really, the other is on the frontier—had given them a larger area under occupation, but it has given them a stronger position in that area. That is correct”.

Nehru Chose to spin the matters to another angle. His usual manner of exhibiting his vision on the global  security and safety:

“The major problem before us now is whether in the course of two, three, four or five years there is going to be a nuclear war or not. That is the big problem of a war which will destroy everything, which will affect every country, including India, even though we may not be joining any war. And so we have to see this problem in this context, because when we see it in that context, it does make a difference, what China can do to us and what we can do to China. In spite of some people thinking that we are isolated in the world—we may be isolated from the point of view of non-alignment and not being a party to some military alliance—there are other ways of contact, close contacts and close friendships. And apart from any such ways, there are reactions. Is it imaginable that a war between India and China will remain confined to these two countries? It will be a world war and nothing but a world  war. I am not saying that it need necessarily be a war between India and China. Other steps can be taken and may have some effect. But we have to think of every aspect, of every possible development and prepare for it, and avoid developments which may be very harmful not only to us but to the world.”

“…I hope, Sir, that the House will agree with this assertion of our position, that this aggression has taken place on our territory and we must do everything in our power to get that aggression vacated. We must try to use every diplomatic and all peaceful devices to that end, whatever they may be, that is to say, avoid war to that purpose, because war between India and China would be one of the major disasters of the world, for us and for the world, for it will mean world war. It will mean war which will be indefinite. We would not be able to limit it in time, because it will not be possible for China to defeat us and it will be impossible for us to march up to Peking across Tibet. These things are not done. Things function differently and for us to jump into such things would be the reverse of wisdom. If it is to be done, if it is forced upon us, it is a different matter. Therefore, we should be prepared and prepare as fast as we can and in the best way we can, keeping in view always the larger situation in the world and how it is developing and how that is affecting our own problems in India”

It requires no interpretation or commentaries. 

The long term planning to develop whole infrastructure  required for the defense industry and then entering into production of weaponry was the approach.  Situations of border areas did not change in  even by the 21st century. Yet the present government came out of the age old notions and went on to develop the border areas. The defense sector was freed from the old psyche of confining everything within the fold of government establishments. Private sector took entry and more indigenous investments in capital and ideas making an unprecedented line of combat efficiency abd self dense. 

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JUGULAR VEIN & NORTH EAST

 Jugular Vein & the Northeast.

The Government should have switched into immediate action after terror operatives from Bangladesh were found to be involved in the Murshidabad Violence and destruction of National Properties.

Very soon, two loud calls came from the West and the East, both were repetition of of the demand of Jinnah in 1946 .

Pakistan Army Chief reiterated the Jugular Vein Theory and the Mohammed Yunus administration on Assam as proposed by Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Some of Our mainstream media went on to the extent of mooting the idea that ' Lahore is the Jugular Vein of Pakistan '. No one either in the Ministries of External Affairs or I &B found it necessary to correct the facts.

India adopted a very bad practice that people should not be made aware of adverse movements and campaigns against India. Information and news were what New Delhi and state capitals send across. There was no reverse flow of information. Most news on clashes and conflicts, communal revolts instigated by the adversaries were suppressed or were made insignificant.

National integration is not talking sweet about the Political Government of New Delhi and appeasement of minorities. A reluctant Government for decades kept on meddling with the conflicts in the Northeast, waiting for it to die off a natural death.

Nehru knew it well that Jinnah had claimed all of Assam, including the Hill Areas. Bengali Dominance of Tripura was taken up as a ground for the Kingdom of Tripura to follow the suit of Hyderabad and Junagadh. Between 1920 and 1940 the migration from East Bengal crossed all limits and the intensity became so high to outnumber the Hindu population. Jinnah demanded that the tribes of Assam have no Religion. Together, with the Muslim population, the Hindus fall in minority. Jinnah had included in his Green Map the entire Northeast comprising of Manipur, Naga Hills, Mikir Hills, North Cachar, Khasi- Garo and Jaiantia Hills, Abor- Miri- Mishmi-Dibang valley, Lushai Hills and other areas of Balipara and Sibsagar Frontier tract areas, Gopinath Bordoloi cried before Gandhiji. It is said that his tears fell on Gandhiji’s feet that awakened his conscience, to take up the matters with Viceroy and to retain Assam and hill areas including Manipur Kingdom with India. However, the referendum on Sylhet is the most tragic development in the Eastern corridor. Except a total tally of votes no records were available in the Archives of Assam State or New Delhi. Chicken neck of Silguri is often draws national attention, however, the chicken neck of Karimganj the only strip connecting Tripura with Assam and the mainland is never discussed. Along with Sylhet, the Karimganj also was mapped out with East Pakistan. Again Bordoloi intervened and Nehru understood the situation. Yet, confusion prevailed in Karimganj on the 14th of August 1947, unfurling the Pakistan Flag. A clarification came from Delhi after three days and on 17th August Pakistan flag was brought down and the National flag of India was unfurled.

Transfer of Dehargram Angarpota enclaves and Berubari Union No.12 did not get much national attention. How far a national consensus could agree to abide by the 1958 Nehru-Noon Agreement following the 1971 Surrender treaty is not clear. Did Assam and West Bengal Assembles take up the matter in the aftermath of Surrender to India, in the wake of issues relating to large scale migration remaining unsettled? The Boundary Agreement between Mujib Ur Rahman and Indira Gandhi on 16th May 1974 should have been cancelled after the Military Coup on 15 August 1975, that too, on the Independence Day of India was not read as a straight message of Pro Pakistani Military vestiges in Bangladesh. Justice Abu Sayeed Choudhary was not an insignificant personality for Indira Gandhi to ignore. What he said exactly happened. Indira acted too fast. She was in a hurry, the cost of which India will have to pay in the near future.

Though Bangladesh has been liberated, West Pakistan continued to undermine India in the eastern theatre. Indira Gandhi had bartered Kashmir and Sikh Religious centres in Pakistan for the release of Sheikh Mujib ur Rahman. Military coup against the founding father of Bangladesh and his killing was a failure of the Neighborhood Intelligence Network and the hold over the affairs of the political Environment of the Indian Subcontinent

It is time for India to clear from the mess created by the ego of Nehru in the Northeast and Kashmir which was further infuriated by successive governments. Intelligence machinery works on a philosophy inculcated by mainstream India. Advice of Gen. Thimmayya who was then a Brigadier in the Eastern Command was not heard. The Region needs a strong political resolve and determination to come out of the conventional notions and standards set by the narratives of the illiterate, on the ground realities. More divisions and factions are created and the dangerous miscalculation that is likely to happen would become dear and costly for the country. Enough mistakes have been done. North Block has to differentiate between the phraseology of “Insurgency” that entered the British records following the East India Company operations after the Kuki Tribes captured the Chittagong port in 1777. With that of Political Unrest . Nearly 13000 square Km of Chittagong Hill Tracts belongs to the Kuki Chin Mizo Group that remained independent till the annexation by the British in 1860 and were granted special status in 1903. Kukis were brought to Cachar and were given arms and ammunition as barriers between Nagas and British Subjects. The same policy was adopted in Manipur as well. Exclusion of Kabaw Valley and CHT Areas Kuki-Zo groups and of Khyoungtha and the Toungtha Tribal areas in 1947 and 1974 were the political mistakes of India.

Kukis became organized as a political and armed force by 1980 with the formation of Kuki National Front and later Kuki National Army. It is not a secret that the Government of Manipur had funded them. If at all available now, the Receipts of the payment of Rs. One lac by Chief Minister of Manipur, Raj Kumar Dorendra Singh himself must be in the records along with another receipt for Two Lacs dated 02 August 1992. There were reports on a demand for Rs. 7 Cr. by the KNO for their self defence purposes. Today, it would be most unfortunate for the Government of India to treat Kukis or any armed group as terrorists in the Region.

The Tribes that enjoyed protection and security cannot be let to enter into Triangular Conflict with other tribes, Bangladesh forces and with the Indian Army.

The political solution is at the fingertips. It takes only two weeks of serious negotiations to resolve the issues of the Region and to achieve socio-political stability.

The compromises and settlements were made later between ZA Bhutto and Indira Gandhi for the release and to give a political leader for the newly formed Bangladesh. It was with this resolve and to strengthen the hands of Mujib ur Rahman that the 1974 border agreement was signed.

When Bangladesh falls under a civil unrest and eliminates everything that reminds of the founder of the Country Mujib ur Rahman, India has every right to rescind from all agreements and treaties and awards of Partition.

It all depends on the line that will be adopted by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his cabinet colleagues Amit Shah , Rajnath Singh andDr. S Jaisankar . A new turn of events in the Politics of Northeast will be a a determining factor in the political stability of the Indian Subcontinent and the South east Asia. It will silence the mouth of Pro Pakistan - Pro CCP proactive elements in the region to draw a new Political contours.

The mistake of creating an arms race with another splinter country of India would be too costly.

KASHMIR: BOUNDARIES

 Before Negotiating....

India should not fall into the grip of frivolous negotiations every time as and when Pakistan gets depleted of its fire power or cannot sustain a war for their own reasons.  Whenever such a situation arises, their trusted provider and ally US will step into their rescue.  Quite visibly, it would be a turn of events for the Whitehouse to settle their score with China and Soviet Union, now Russia. China has their huge investments including Nuclear reactors and power generation. Pakistan is their nuclear laboratory and India will not desist to freeze their repeated threatening of “Dirty Nuclear Bombs”.  US Presidents have downgraded their political cult to the extent to request the Soviets  to ensure that the Western Frontier remains unaffected in the 1971 War. How Yahya Khan mediated with Mao and Chou en Lai in the secret mission of Henry Kissinger.

For an average Indian citizen, this is the last opportunity for India to take back Illegally Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. Deposing that trust and faith in Narendra Modi the entire people of the Country stands with him. It would be his own decision to suffer a few losses and save the country from the menace of  the  Revanchist  Ambitions of Pakistan.

The US is realizing that their potential ally in South East Asia and the Transit corridor to China will be  reduced to less than half,  inviting  a huge setback to their trade and commercial  and Strategic positioning in the region. They would be bent on to do anything and even  may reach an understanding  with Vladimir Putin or Xi Jinping  and will enter into a political diplomacy  with New Delhi,

Whatever the situation may be, Narendra Modi  should stand firm and live up to the expectations of his countrymen.  The advisories and adversaries to the conflict or the escalation to a War, should look at the background of the whole issue. It is a decision on the stability and the economic growth of India.

India cannot afford to cling on to security conflicts and be a silent spectator of  an arms race in the region.  India has to emerge as a power to contain the region from the arms race and should ensure that the neighborhood does not become a dump yard of obsolete weaponry that would become an irritant and challenge later on. Towards this  South block and 7, LKM has to set the records straight, removing the debris of  Colonial improprieties and political oversight of  over six decades.

The British had to insulate Sino Russian transit from the eyes of the Transitory Government of India, basking in the nonviolence of Mahatma Gandhi. Resignation of the Congress Government of NWFP was the first success for Great Britain and their ally US for countering the advances of Soviets in the Eastern corridor. Mountbatten could do the task keeping Nehru within his ring, not even letting Sardar Patel or anyone to get ample time to realize the situation.  Administrative intervention of the British Government in the Reforms of Kashmir during Maharaja Pratap Singh, if looked meticulously, impairments  in the political history of India on account of  Anglo- Sino- Russian conflict would have been  visible to the political leaders of India. Again, this is an indicator that the British knew how to keep Indian leaders busy with their own internal conflicts. At the same time, the Muslim League was nurtured and given a free hand to keep the Western and Eastern Frontiers within their fold. India was to be meant only as  the mainland with Hindu Provinces disrupted with the green patches of Muslim dominated Circle Areas added to their religious State. The Poona Pact was in letter and spirit meant to disintegrate the Upper Caste Hindus from the Scheduled castes and tribes together with Muslim majority. The only threat to the British design was Subhash Chandra Bose who was with Stalin around the time. Clement Atlee had to whisper in the ears of  Mountbatten to keep Gilgit –Baltistan out of the Kashmir Maharaja and to reconsider the revocation of the lease. Mountbatten wisely took the matters out of New Delhi and shifted Kashmir Affairs to Lahore and Karachi. He had the right explanation that all communication lines were routed through Peshawar.

In the year 1928, the Chinese Chin-Shu-Jen administration of Sinkiang province started developing some serious apprehensions regarding its conventional enemy the British. The Chinese suspected that the British would capitalize on the Muslim discontent in Kashgar for their  ulterior motives  thereby dismantling the  authority of Peking. Expecting an invasion from the British side, in the year 1929, the Chinese government dispatched a contingent of 700 soldiers to the main Karakoram watershed up to the Yarkand and Karakash rivers. A permanent post was set up at Shahidulla, the same place just across the Karakoram pass where Maharaja Ranbir Singh had also stationed a garrison in the year 1864.  

In Hunza too the British felt their position being challenged. The Chief official of the Kashgar town Tao-yin Ma Shao Wu told the representatives of the Mir of Hunza that if Hunza men accepted themselves to be Chinese citizens, only then they would be allowed to cultivate their lands in Raskam. Shao Wu claimed that the Mir had no rights over the lands for any activity including cultivation or revenue.

These developments taking place in the Sinkiang province of China adjacent to the Northern Frontier made the British Government watchful regarding its security concerns. First, there was much evidence to suggest that there were disturbing contacts between Moscow and the Sinkiang Governor  Sheng Shit Ts’ai. Joseph  Stalin had  granted financial assistance to the Sinkiang Government in 1935. Soviets gained rights for oil and mineral exploration in Sinkiang, with the assurance for military support as and when Sinkiang Government needs. Sinkiang, as it became a protectorate of the Soviet Union, the British expected that the next  step would be the taking over of Turkistan.

By the middle of 1935, London realized that  Moscow  was in full control of Sinkiang. The British Empire of India feared the Soviet infiltration to spread communist ideals and literature that would threaten the position of Northern Ladakh. The British were facing issues with the control of Gilgit Baltistan with the take over of the reins of Kashmir by Hari Singh in 1926. Hari Singh had served Maharaja Pratap Singh as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and was of the view to make a change in the policy approach on Gilgit –Baltistan. The Young Maharaja asserted his position in the region and was moving ahead with his plans to merge the region with his Province of Jammu and Kashmir. He  raised objections to British Supremacy and ordered  the hoisting of the state flag along with the Union flag. He declared Gilgit Region as his territory. He went ahead further to abolish Gilgit as a British Agency .

This paid well for their future nuclear programme. Already the mainstream political leaders of India were aware of the encounter of the Russian military during the expedition of Captain Younghusband.  The political leadership in India could not question the British Indian Government as they stopped Maharaja Ranbir Singh  of Kashmir from his expeditions to China.  Ranbir Singh saw the future conflicts that his kingdom will face with the British Policy allowing China to take over Karakonam Ranges forming a frontier between India and Russia. The new policy was not in tally with the 1759 demarcation of India China border with the Qianlong contingent after their conquest of Turkestan.

 

 The Kashmir ruler was confronted with the security concerns after the Russians  seized    over a large part of Kashmir along with  the  Pamir ranges of the Chinese border and Tijik Region of Afghanistan. Russian advances were put to hold in 1891, with the use of force by the British. This military action decided the borders of India with Afghanistan – Russia and China.  Chitral, Nagar and Hunza became a part of British India. In 1938, Soviets closed Khunera Mountain Pass.  Ladakh Region became disconnected from Sinkiang and thus the trade route through Karakoram pass also became cut off.

Negotiations with Pakistan on POK  should be based on the  boundaries of  the Gilgit Agency  as in the   ‘ Military report of 1909  on the  Gilgit Agency  and the Independent territories of  Tangir and Darel:- 

“On the north is the Hindu Kush, separating Ishkuman and Yasin from Wakhan, and on the north east in continuation of the Hindu Kush are-the Mustagh mountains, which divide Hunza and Nagir from the Chinese New Dominions. On the east lies the Skardu District of Kashmir. On the west is the Shandur Range which divides the Gilgit Agency from the Chitral Districts of Dir and Swat. The southern boundaries are the Burzil Pass on the east, separating the Astor Tahsil of Gilgit from Kashmir, and the ‘ Babusar Pass, by which communication with the Punjab is maintained arid the Kaghan Valley, while in the Indus Valley the boundary is coterminous with that of Northern Kohistan, Kandia and Dir.”

The exact boundary line may be thus traced :

“Starting from the Palesar Pass on the west, it runs in a northwesterly direction from the Dadrel Pass to the Shandur Pass, following the range of that name to its junction with the Hindu Kush, east of the source of the Yarkhun River. From here it follows the crest of the Hindu Kush to a point about five miles south-west of the Kilik Pass ; from this point it turns north-west past the Wakhjir Pass and then, circling round the western vend of the Taghdumbash Pamir, follows the northern watershed of the latter till it reaches the Peak Povalo' Shveikovski, the meeting point of Afghanistan with the three empires of India, Russia and China. Leaving Peak Povalo Shveikovski the line descends in a south-easterly direction to the bed of the Karachukar stream, crossing which near Mintaka Aksai it continues in the same direction till it gains the crest of the Mustagh Range at a point about seven miles east of the Karachenai Pass. It then follows this crest-line east and south-east to a point some six miles south-west of the Oprang Pass ; here the watershed is left abruptly and the line runs due east-for about five miles and then south-east till it strikes the Mustagh, or Oprang, River at Kuram Jilga ; it then follows the course of this river to a point some five miles above the junc tion of the stream from the Shingshal Pass when ascending the nearest high spur to the west it regains the crest of the Mustagh Range about 25 miles south-south-east of the Shing shal Pass. From the point where the line first touches the crest of the Hindu Kush, east of the source of the Yarkhun River, to Povalo Shveikovski‘the boundary of the Gilgit Agency thus coincides with the Indo-Afghan frontier, while from Peak Povalo Shveikovski onwards it is identical with the Indo-Chinese frontier up to the point where it regains the crest of the Mus tagh Range south-south-east of the Shingshal Pass. Here it leaves the Indo-Chinese frontier and turns south and west along the border of Baltistan to Hispar, south to Barungdoi on the Indus, following the course of that river to Bunji, south to the Burzil and Kamri Passes, and north old the Kamri Dara to its junction with the Rupal River. Thence it runs west to the Babusar and Zure Passes, north to the Pushkari Pass, west to Jalkot in Kohistan, north along the watershed to the Lahtar River, west by the undefined northern boundary of the Kandia Valley, and finally links up m'd the Paloga Pass with the Palesar Pass.”

The Parliament of  United Kingdom had adopted a motion that asserts the Position of Kashmir King, "Gilgit-Baltistan is a legal and constitutional part of the state of Jammu & Kashmir, India, which is illegally occupied by Pakistan since 1947, and where people are denied their fundamental rights including the right of freedom of expression". Despite all the legal and territorial rights of India over the region, Pakistan went ahead with the illegal construction of China Pakistan Economic Corridor, This move was also decried by the UK Parliament. New Delhi kept cold feet towards the actions of Pakistan. With the Act of 1970 Promulgated by Yahya Khan, the Karachi Agreement of 1948 has become a dead document.

 The demand of the Government of the POK to return the Gilgit Baltistan Areas was ignored by the Pakistan Government. The verdict of the Supreme Court of Pakistan  was also turned down by the military regime.  The Assembly of POK passed a resolution in 1972 to return the Northern areas comprising Gilgit Baltistan. To overcome this, a Presidential order was issued by mid-1972,that  abolished the hereditary laws of Jagirdari in the Region and created  Administrative Districts under Deputy Commissioners. This totally changed the situation and State Subject law promulgated by the Maharaja of Kashmir was removed.

The right of the indigenous People over the land was removed and the natural resources became nationalized. This led to large scale migrations from elsewhere.  India, after the 1971 War had seemingly lost showing any interest in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, This gave enough fuel from ZA Bhutto to enact Northern Areas Legal Framework Order bringing the region under Penal Code of Pakistan.  Further Bhutto abolished the Northern Areas Advisory Council and constituted the Northern Area Council without any legislative and executive Powers. The confidence of Pakistan over asserting the control of POK was growing high.    Gen. Zial ul Haq went a step ahead categorizing the Region under martial law Zone E, and brought it under the control of Pakistan as a natural  part of Pakistan. Zia lifted the colour of the disputed zone. He was a strong advocate of Deobandi School and implemented Sipah e Sabha Pakistan in the region. 

 However, India showed no sign of support to the demand to treat POK as a part of Jammu and Kashmir placed by   Azad Muslim Conference, Azad Kashmir’s Peoples party, All J&K Muslim Conference and  J K Mahaze Rai Shumari. Instead of listening to their demand, Pakistan went ahead with the formation of the Northern Areas Legislative Council in 1998.

How the Present Government  and the Ministry of External Affairs would formulate the organisation structure of Gilgit-Baltistan -NWP region is to be seen. Pakistan would be losing some of their key mining and prospective Areas , it would be a tough line of approach for India.

JUGULAR VEIN THEORY - A CENTURY LATER

 JUGULAR VEIN THEORY OF  MOHAMMED  ALI JINNAH 

 

It was unfortunate   to see that  even senior Journalists  took the  statement of “Jugular Vein” by Gen. Asim Munir,  the Pakistan Army Chief as if it is his new creation! 

 

 Barely 20 days before the Pahalgam terror attack, the Army Chief of Pakistan reiterated the “Jugular Vein” theory of Mohammed Ali Jinnah.  The General said “"Our stance is absolutely clear, it was our jugular vein, it will be our jugular vein, we will not forget it. We will not leave our Kashmiri brothers in their heroic struggle." 

 

Why did he reiterate the words of Muhammed Ali Jinnah after nearly a century?

 

It was visibly around 1925- ‘26 or so, Jinnah developed a key interest in the Vale of Kashmir.  His first visit to Kashmir is not well recorded, only from some elders came to get an approximate year around 1925 or 26 as they put the time around his second marriage. He had come with his new wife. During the second visit to Kashmir in 1936, he recounted his earlier visit a decade before.   It was during his second visit that Jinnah had developed the Jugular Vein theory.

 

The Government of India has to keep in mind that the Jugular Vein Theory was not about the rivers alone. It carried the flow of commercial produces of Kashmir to Karachi Port that was a major economic vein of the Pakistan in the dreams of Jinnah.

 

Jinnah had countered India in every possible way and used everything available at his hand.  Saraiki- Laihandi traditions came in this way. Indian linguists and historians may differ on the origin of Saraiki and its relationship with Sindhi language. Jinnah was not concerned with all these logical debates.   Jinnah made it a point to defeat and denounce Indian values and traditions, which did not get into the nerves of Indian Political leadership, including Nehru who penned the discovery of India, Jinnah with a critical plan to create holes in the Indian pride on cultural history, he managed to pool  much of Indian heritage to Pakistan. Along with his Pakistan, the Muslim religion took away Saraiki which is the mother of the  mother of Sanskrit language. Saraiki language flourished in the banks of Sapta Sindhu.  It was during the transitory period of Saraiki transforming into Apabrahmsa, the Persian and Afghan invasions created random destruction.

 Jinnah followed the suit and was determined to destroy Kashmiri languages and enforce Urdu.

 

From the accounts given by the doctor who treated Jinnah during his last days, had given an account of what he had said about Kashmir.  Jinnah had said  that “Kashmir is the Jugular vein of Pakistan” and “no nation will tolerate its jugular vein under the sword of its enemy.” Pakistan General had reiterated the words of Jinnah to create a new wave of sensationalism and military offensive in Kashmir.

 

The second visit of Jinnah gave him enough arsenals to fight for hos ulterior motives. This time his visit to the Valley coincided with the birth day of Prophet Muhammed. Choudhary Ghulam Ali and Sheikh Abdullah, the leaders of Muslim Conference welcomed Jinnah. Both the leaders were very much vocal about the role of Jinnah in Hindu Muslim Unity. On the contrary, Jinnah spoke sharply against the Hindu Nationalist leaders. It is  at this juncture that Jinnah told the leaders to stand for the Justice to Muslims and reminded them that Kashmir is a Muslim Majority state. This was the beginning of a major shift in the approaches of the Muslim Conference.

 

At the Dal gate meeting, Jinnah addressed the students as a true Muslim and made his stand clear on the partition of India. Jinnah could create a conflict and distrust on the Congress leaders among Young Muslim students gathered there.   He painted Congress nationalism as Hindu domination. This instigated the students who had come from Aligarh Muslim University to start a Secret Reading Room in Kashmir. The subjects dealt in the reading room were kept out of the reach and eyes of the general public and the Government of Kashmir. Moulavi Bashir Ahmed and Mohammad Rajab controlled the activities of the secret reading room and were instrumental in bringing newspapers and other publications from Lahore. Both of them were mainly responsible for instigating these Youth against Maharaja Hari Singh and the Dogra Dynasty. Their ideals were brought out through the journal Inquilab Mazloom Kashmir.  The secret reading room and its conduct could not be kept out of the eyes of the Jammu and Kashmir Government. The Coordinator of the reading room Ghulam Mohammed  was removed from the Government Service.  This made him form the Young Muslim Association and to become its founding President of the Association and Sheikh Abdullah as the secretary. All these drew the attention of Mirwaiz Moulavi Yousuf Shah.  Miwaiz Yousuf Shah, had taken active  part in the Khilafat Movement, steered the agitation against the Dogra Dynasty. Yousuf Shah was known to the people of Jammu as the son of Mirwaiz Ghulam Shah who was a very popular religious leader and was  addressed as “Sir Sayed of Kashmir”  Muslim liberation movement of Kashmir was initiated and propagated by Sir Sayed.  It was  for quite obvious reasons that Sir Sayed had sent his son Yousuf Shah for learning at the Deoband   Islamic School of Dar ul Uloom. Shah afterwards took his graduation from the Punjab University of Lahore.  On his return from Lahore, he found no time in campaigning for Islamic Unity in the Kashmir valley. He went to each and every house and spent a lot of time convincing everyone in the family.  His efforts paid well and was soon elected as the General Secretary of  Anjuman Nasarat ul Islam, an  association in Srinagar founded by his father, Ghulam Shah family suffered a serious setback in 1924 and  Yousuf Shah was made the Mirwaiz e Kashmir.

 

Mirwaiz was the most respected personality in the valley and he took no time in introducing Sheikh Abdullah as a leader of the Kashmiri Muslims at a public function. The influence of Mirwaiz inspired Quasi Guhar Rehman, a prominent figure from Jammu to launch the Young Muslim Association there.

 

The situations in the Valley and Jammu became tense after the dead body of Pundit Giri Durga Devi was found in a drainage of the  Karan Nagar area followed by the reports on the slaughter of the Cows. This was followed by the case of Constable Lobha Ram for desecrating the Holy Quran. This was picked up by Sheikh Abdulla to launch a campaign against Maharaja Hari Singh.  Sheikh, then working as  Teacher in the valley, was transferred to Srinagar. Though Sheikh could get the orders withdrawn, he was again Transferred, He resigned from his Job. 

 

Sheikh Abdullah organized a public meeting in Srinagar to announce his resignation. Among the gathering, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, the editor Zamindar published from Lahore was also present. The ferocious style and voice of Sheikh caught the attention of Maulana and he gave the title  “Sher I Kashmir” to Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah. The Quran Movement was carried to Jammu and  Punjab  Province mainly by the Jamaat e Ahmadiyya Hind . The movement was noted for the active participation of Choudhary Bashir Ahmed. Zainul Abidin also joined him.

 

The sudden appearance of an unknown person name Quadir Khan in the  public meeting of 21 June 1931 was a turning point. The elders of Kashmir  had the date and the incident  alive in their minds.. Quadir Khan was  not a public figure in Kashmir. He  is believed to have accompanied some foreign travelers as their cook. Inspired by the ferocious speech of Sheikh Abdulla, he ran to the stage, seized the mike and violently spoke against the Maharaja. He was immediately nabbed by the police and was put in the Srinagar Central Jail.  His Trial in the central jail dragged large crowds and demanded entry to witness the proceedings. The commotion led to police firing and 22 persons lost lives. Choudhary Ghulam Abbas and Sheikh Abdulla were also arrested.

 

It was around this time, Sheikh Abdullah desired to expand his influence to Punjab and other provinces. He had met Rajarshi  Purushotham Das Tandon, before his meeting with Nehru at Lahore Railway Station in 1933.  Sheikh was more concerned with his position in Jammu and wanted to retain his approach to the Hindus of Jammu and Pundits of the valley. In 1939.  Sheikh, under the influence of Nehru, renamed Muslim Conference as the National Conference. This was not acceptable to Choudhary Ghulam Abbas, and he along with his supporters formed the Muslim Conference.  This affected the political hold of Sheikh Abdullah in the Valley. To regain his position he invited Jinnah to the  valley in 1944. Choudhary Ghulam Abbas did everything Possible to see that his party, the Muslim Conference, gets the support of the Maharaja of Kashmir.

 

During the 1944 visit of Jinnah, the Muslim Students Union of Kashmir had  arranged a grand reception to Jinnah. The public could very well understand that Sheikh Abdullah and Jinnah had  certain differences. 

 

 

Mirawiz and Choudhary Ghuam Abbas started reviving  Muslim Conference, which became a platform for the All India Muslim League to enforce the plans of Jinnah  on Kashmir. Jinnah and Mirwaiz had a good relationship  which started with the hosting of Jinnah at his residence in the valley. It was during this meeting that both of them discussed Azad Kashmir and after reviving Muslim Conference Mirwaiz made it an agenda of his party.   Mirwaiz was invited for the annual meeting of the Muslim League at Karachi.

 

Sheikh Muhammed Abdullah was  very much conscious about the futuristic impacts  of the Karachi mission of  Mirwaiz and Choudhary Ghulam Abbas.  To  take a cutting edge of the Muslim Conference  and Muslim League tie up, Sheikh launched the “Quit Kashmir” movement  against the Maharaja Hari Singh.  The  address of  Sheikh Abdullah at the launch of the Campaign shook the valley. His speech was so powerful that it created fissures in the foundations of Muslim Conference. To counter this, Choudhary Ghulam Abbas organized a public meeting in the Muslim Park. The meeting could not take place as  Choudhary Ghulam Abbas and his supporters were arrested.   

 

It took no time for the then Prime Minister of Kashmir, RC Kak to advise the King to enforce martial law. He took all measures to detain  and to impose a three year  jail term for Sheikh.  Disaster struck Kashmir following this event.  Kak  received information that Jawaharlal Nehru was  coming to Kashmir. In order to stop Nehru from entering Srinagar. Prohibitory orders were clamped in the valley by  the Prime Minister.  Nehru turned  against Hari Singh. This was the beginning of the  troubles for Kashmir.

 

After this incident, the Congress leaders mounted pressure on RC Kak to release Sheikh Abdullah. Maharaja refused to yield and he firmly believed that both Sheikh Abdullah and Mirwaiz would sell Kashmir to Pakistan.  The next to add difficulties for Kashmir was the meeting of Kak and Sardar Patel. Kak was loud to tell Sardar Patel that Delhi has no Jurisdiction over the affairs of Kashmir. Any serious move by the interim Government will create hindrances in the accession. VP Menon is said to have raised certain questions to  Sardar Patel on the intentions of RC Kak, and the trust deficit created.  Kak did not stop his adventures with this. He went to meet Jinnah. Jinnah took a brilliant step unlike the cold treatment assertiveness of Delhi, Kak was given all welcome gestures that could be accorded to the head of the state. The idea of ‘ Stand Still Agreement’ was webbed between the two in this meeting. It took npo time for the Maharaja to see the sinister designs of his inheritance slipping away  and the  dirty game of RC Kak with Jinnah and Mountbatten.  RC Kak was removed and gen. Janak Singh was appointed as the new Prime Minister of Kashmir. The move of the Maharaja irked Jinnah and an economic blockade was imposed on the princely state. The seriousness of the situation demanded a more efficient Prime Minister, Har Singh requested the services of the Chief Justice of the Punjab High Court , Justice MC Mahajan to take over as the Prime Minister of his State. Jinnah did not give up. He approached  a friend of MC Mahajan,  the former Chief Justice of Lahore High Court,  to send his nephew to  Srinagar. It is said that a Pakistani Major and a few men were moving around in Srinagar with a set of papers that included a treaty with Pakistan.  The delegation included very prominent names like Malik Taj ud Din, Khawja Abdul Rahim, Dr Mohammad Din Taseer and  Mian Iftikhar ud Din. MC Mahajan I had seemingly ignored them. Some say that the major had a whip in one hand and the papers in the other hand, as Jinnah had instructed him to get the papers signed by force or peace.  The visiting team managed to meet general Janak Singh. A sthis mission failed the plot to abduct the maharaja was designed. Maharaja was made aware of the plan to kidnap him from the Dak Bungalow at Bhimber. The site was chosen as it was very close to the border and the Maharaja could have been very easily taken to Lahore or Rawalpindi. Jinnah had deployed a strong contingent of the army to kill the Hindu Population  of Mirpur and Bhimber. Katwa was about to fall into the hands of the Pakistan Army and they had already taken control over Akhnoor and the exodus of the Hindus followed.

 

21^st  of October 1947 was the decisive day of Kashmir. Maharaja insisted to  stayin Bhimber. MC Mahajan had to take a tough stand to desist the ruler from taking such a deadly decision. Finally, the Maharaja asked his driver to take him directly to Jammu.  Pakistan Army without knowing the change of the schedule attacked Bhimber. The Dak Bungalow where Hari Singh was to stay,  came under fire and was reduced to ashes.  All the Hindu villages were burnt down and those who could not run away to safety were tortured , killed and their bodies were mutilated. Next day on 22^nd October, Muzaffarpur was taken over by the Pakistan Army. This was followed by defection of all Muslims in the Royal forces of J&K moving to Pakistani side. All that Brigadier Rajinder Singh could mobilize  was less than 200 men , that included some civilians to stage some resistance at Dhund. But the Brigadier had to pull back. Uri fell  with no resistance. Brig. Rajinder Singh and his small group somehow reached  Baramulla. The bridge  to Srinagar was cut off. For nearly 11 hours Rampat and Mohra was kept under counter offensive. Brig. Rajinder Singh was shot, caught and killed. After this everyone in his groups became their own commanders and continued the fight. Col. Narain Singh was killed and the Muslim soldiers with him moved to Pakistan side.

 

 

The stories on Kashmir are countless. Every elder who lived till 90s had a lot of stories, some of their own imaginations, some mixed with realities… It needs much effort to put these pieces together to understand the psyche of the new generation. However, the pain and anguish on the face of my Sikh friend from Baramulla cannot be forgotten. The narrative of the escape of his young parents in the 1947 and the unwritten accounts of rape and brutal killings are of no concerns to anyone in the Indian main land.  While he and some other friends  from  the valley were pursuing his studies under Meerut University in 1979-83, every weekend used to be the narrative of the horrors that can never be forgiven and forgotten. 

 

 

It is the right time to recollect what a group of Youth had gathered around and said during the Indo-Pakistan Peoples  Forum meet at Karachi. Knowing that I am an Indian, the group started to address their situation. They asked only one thing  in Chaste Hindi. “When You go back tell New Delhi to do one favour. Finish off this Pakistan Army. We need only an army for ceremonial purposes. Pakistan is safe with a strong Indian Army. The Indian army will protect us better than the Pak Army.  In the name of Kashmir, the Pakistan Army is doing all the atrocities against the public. Every development, public funds are  snatched and taken by them. They lead a luxurious life and the public is made to suffer. “

 

They were so angry at their own army, and was unmindful of the presence of Pakistan Rangers around and continued “There is a separate course for Pakistani Army on the Enmity to Indian Army, how to abuse and how to torture them after getting caught. They are even taught and trained on how to  deface and mutilate the dead bodies of an Indian Soldier”.

 

A question came from another corner. “Have you heard of anything like that about the Indian Army? If so, over 90,000 soldiers who were captured in Bengal by the Indian Army would not have walked down across the border. They would have been crawling to death by the time they could reach here, maybe not even one third. “

 

Their anger was more than what was expected.  “ The Pakistan army is taught a distorted history… The young generation is not having enough facilities to go to modern Schools. They are to  have only madrasa Education. History of Pakistan is one liner. Gandhiji Cheated their father of the nation and he  took Pakistan from India”

 

Till Kashmir issue is militarily finished by India and a clear non militarized Zone along the Pakistan border is created, that country cannot progress and will keep on creating disturbances in India.