REFRACTIVE POLITICS IN INDIA

 

REFRACTIVE POLITICS IN INDIA 

Perhaps, no other term can be coined to describe the dualities and deflections in the approaches and treatment of matters of national concern by the Political leadership of India, perhaps applicable to few other political systems across the globe. The terms and tunes bend, modify and get deflected along the angle as it emerges through different strata of the population which serve as the medium. The political system thus tends to lose the straightforward approach, boldness and the inherent strength to take decisions as the ‘State’.  The dialogues become devoid of core content and theme. Minorities of India form the thicker medium and the majority Hindus divided into castes and sects become the rarer medium. The leaders stand out in the infinite space; through the complexities of the medium, they look like Charismatic Stars.

Out of the seventy-five years passed by,  the first fifteen years could have been the most effective time in stabilising the borders, creating infrastructure, policies and schemes for industrial and agricultural growth, restructuring education, establishing R&D Centres in tune with political philosophy of economic structuring. In short, the formative years would have defined the people of the country and their outlook, perceptions, societal standards, quality of life, health and overall public order.   In the next sixty years, the population of the country would have been central to the national and state planning, with each and every one disposed of with their due share of life and responsibilities. The questions of poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, backwardness, extremist political and religious ideologies and fundamentalist ideals would not have found its place and would not have cost the state exchequer.  The failures to hold the state in the process of pleasing and appeasing various segments of the population and the reciprocal pleasing of the political leadership for favours and gains can be collectively tapered to define the refractive Political diplomacy. The State becomes a non-existent entity in the mindset of the people, they belong to their religion, class, clan and their genius. The political stability of the country is misconstrued as the stability of centralised political party led Governments. The non-committal electoral system and the constitutional provisions for forming political parties and RPA 29 A without any commitment to the objectives of providing stable government has led to the chaotic state of politics.  Constitution that guarantees the right to vote, adult franchise and   adhering to the ideological stand and alliances, do not prohibit post-election alliances and mergers to form a government.  Any political party with the largest number of elected representatives should be able to form a stable government. India needs a Law Prohibiting defection after elections, limiting or permitting from the date of announcement to the last date of filing nominations. Mandate of the citizen cannot be left to the will and mercy of the elected representatives. The principle of adult franchise gets defeated, as the vote is cast to empower the representative in lieu of the voter in the respective law-making house. 

The full mandate covers power to make laws on the land and legitimate rights of the voters in all the states, except in Nagaland. In Nagaland, the power to regulate the land and its resources is held back by the land owners.

The impairments and lacunae in the conceptual framework of the political configuration of India has created a state subjective to minority interests.  In the process the State itself became devoid of political cohesiveness, The architects of India did everything possible at their hand to cover up and insulate the reality of religious partition. The Muslims of British India were given a separate Dominion. The status of the constituent assembly was not reverted after the theocentric separation. How can a Political party in India assert that Pakistan was created only for the Muslims living within the boundaries of that country in the eastern and the western part? If so, the condition of the British government on the inclusion of Muslims in the constitution would have naturally become void with the partition, whereas it did not happen so.  It led to communal divide, and within the next 16 years, northern parts of India became insecure with nearly five hundred communal riots. New Delhi was unaware of the massacres in Mirpur and Bimber? The inhuman atrocities by raiders and Pakistani Army regulars in Baramulla?

 The leadership constructed a fluid state by politically dividing the Hindus and segregating those who stood united stamped as fundamentalist Hindus. The conflict within the Hindu community was engineered to widen the gap between different sects and castes.  The impact of  a biased neutrality and secularism took its toll and the result is that, a sect of Hindus themselves stand against the Hindus forming another deflection in the Refractive Political Diplomacy.  Today, the Narendra Modi led Government faces certain difficulties in addressing the conflict on a strong platform. 

No other non-Congress Prime Ministers of India had the rare privilege of becoming the worst hostile enemy of the entire opposition. He is painted red in Saffron colours, every word of him is treated as a Harpoon flung on the Congress leadership. Enmity to Narendra Modi has crossed the boundaries of political dimensions and is now slowly starting to disfigure the ‘State’. 

The Prime Minister’s visit to Israel hours before the bombardment of Iran, again have been read along the lines of prejudices of political vendetta discarding the State.   It is a pointer that reinforces the impairment of strategic analytical processes within the Congress party.  It seemingly has became a playground of constraints in political vision let open to the limited vision and voice of a few leaders, who themselves had brought the party to the abyssal depths. 

There seems to be no reprieve. Logical basis of strong political debates became marred down and capsized in the parliament and outside. 

The timing of the Prime Minister's visit to Israel amidst mounting tactical pressures on Iran. Indirect negotiations between US and Iran were not yielding any result.  India in the hands of Narendra Modi do not seem to be a silent regime sitting back, gazing at the skies on the sheer helplessness sinking in political weakness.  India had not declared Hamas as a terror outfit. Part of the politics in the opposition plays the card of genocide in Gaza, and had acted against the interests of the State. The Indira Gandhi regime had recognised PLO, the first step taken by a non-Arab country. Yasar Arafat was a regular at No.1 Safdarjung Road.  Sister of Yasar Arafat, had even turned NAM summit in Delhi to assert her commitment to Palestine.  The alignment continued and its extent drew a colour when the Chief Minister of Kerala was adored in Keffiyeh in the 24^th CPI M party Congress. 

New Delhi went silent. But eyes were not closed on the hands behind the narrative of    “Dance and Sang" of 2017 episode.

Refractive Politics cropped up in the regional dynamics has cost India beyond speculations.  The manner in which Bangladesh was created and transferred to the new Political leadership has led to several pitfalls in the domestic and international affairs of India. The military operations of India in East Pakistan failed to identify the Pro West Pakistan military officials and to act appropriately. In the same way, India did not look into the hard-core religious institutions and militia. When Mukti Bahini was in line with the Indian Army, Pakistan had raised and supported Al Shams Mujahid Bahini. Jamaat e Islami was their front-line hardcore outfit Al Badr was actively supporting Pakistan Military, India totally ignored the role of Urdu speaking Bihari Muslims. New Delhi did not heed to the advice of Bangladeshi intellectuals to look into these aspects. The military mindset of the retired officials and the senior ranks continued the nexus with Jamaat e Islami and the frontal bodies. The deep-rooted training and the mindset infused on anti-India attitude and India as a threat of its existence continued to be carried on to the new incumbents.  The Military coup of Zia ul Haq drew strength to create theocentric line in the madrasa educated personnel among the new recruits as well.  The two frontiers created by the Indian regime and the disfiguration of demographic structure of the country gave space for the narratives of partitions. Jugular Vein theory from the west and the Seven Sisters claim from the east was bringing Jinnah back to life.  The campaign that the Muslims are not safe in India took the violent form during the time of the Citizens Amendment Bill and after the partition. Tablighi and Barelvi schools, like Jamaat e Islami do not have borders between India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. 

Formation of IMCTC – the Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition resulted from the theocentric military doctrine of Pakistan with Saudi Arabia. It was to serve as a strong sectarian power that Pakistan could mobilise to capitalise the nuclear ambitions of the Muslim world.  Iran, Iraq and Syria and other Shia controlled Islamic countries were not included in the alignment. Bangladesh became close to Pakistan and indirectly supported IMCTC.

It has to be read in conjunction with the religious military of Pakistan joining hands with the  Neo-Ottoman regime of Erdogan in Türkiye.  It is assessed that Pakistan has procured defence supplies worth 1.8 lac crores, which included a large stockpile of drones and components. Months before Operation Sindhoor, Erdogan had offered joint manufacture of KAAN fighter aircrafts in Pakistan. Upgrading the weapon systems of Submarines and attack helicopters are in the cards of Pakistan Türkiye Cooperation. With military exchanges with countries outside the Organisation of Islamic Countries, Pakistan Army is making all efforts to be the guardian Islamic Army. 

What prompted Iran to attack twelve Islamic countries in the pretext of harbouring US forces is to create a distrust of the Pakistan Army. Iran can survive as a Shia Muslim nation only if the Islamic Army concept is dismantled. Not even a single Arab or Islamic country could counter attack Iran. Practically, Iran has left no third country in the Arab Region to mediate for US.

It was necessary for US to create a political confusion within India on west Asian crisis. The Iranian Ships or assets within the Indian territory cannot be attacked, It sounded as if the US was waiting for the Iran Naval Ship to enter the international waters after leaving the Indian shore to attack. Insensible Indian media and the anti-Hindu religious divide in the Political parties were expected to raise questions on the BJP led regime of New Delhi. 

 The situations demand that India may have to look a little more back towards the Indo-Iranian Relationships along the plane of bilateral relations between Pakistan and Iran.as well as that of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia .  During the days of Shah, Iran moved close to Pakistan to create a strong Islamic line up against the threats posed by  Gamal Abdel Nasser. Marital relationship  of Pahlavis with the  Royal families Egypt failed and Nasser was against orthodoxy. Shah took sides with Pakistan to counter Naser and to create a non-Arab block of Islamic countries. Shah also fell under the influence of the adverse campaign against India that was unleashed by Pakistan. The Main objective of Pakistan was to get the support of Islamic countries for their revanchist designs in Kashmir and the disputed areas.

In 1955, Pakistan joined the Central Treaty Organisation along the side of Iran with the objective of getting into a larger forum for military support. Baghdad Pact was seen as a platform for a larger support base for Pakistan in the international Platforms against India in the Kashmir issue.  After the Baghdad Pact, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and his wife spent a few weeks in India, Unlike the  Friendship treaty he made with Pakistan during his maiden visit to Pakistan nearly five years back,  there was no such understanding of the scale with India. The only message he conveyed was Iran -Hindi Bhai Bhai.  On 15^th of March 1950, India had established diplomatic relations with Iran when  Pahlavi was in Pakistan. India could not develop any political relations with Iran, other than the trade relations.

By the turn of 1960s, the US policies to the Middle East were on a new alignment to limit the influence of the Soviet Union in the region. The Indian Ocean attained much focus in the US Policies. The President of the United States Eisenhower in December 1953 had advocated the use of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.  The “Atoms for Peace” Programme found a way to Iran, as both the countries came together on several fronts.   The agreement with Iran, made in 1957 was for the Cooperation concerning civil uses of atomic energy. In 1959, Tehran Nuclear research Centre was established. After a series of negotiations, in 1967, the Tehran Nuclear research centre was provided with a small nuclear reactor along with Highly enriched Uranium.  The plant was ideal enough to produce over 0 .6 kg of plutonium

In between, the Agreement of Regional Cooperation for Development of 1964 was a major step towards strengthening the tripartite relation between Iran, Turkey and Pakistan. Simultaneously Shah developed keen interest in technical and economic cooperation with India. With the new cooperation agreement between the Soviets and India, Iran took no time to step in.  By the 1970s A new frontier of cooperation emerged and that totally pushed Pakistan out. But Teheran strongly supported Pakistan in the 1971 war, Despite the mounting pressures Iran refused to activate CENTO for military support to Pakistan.  Earlier, in mid-1969, the Joint Indo-Iran Commission for Economic Trade and Technical Cooperation was formed. Further in 1983 a Joint commission was formed for a larger economic cooperation. In 1971 war  also, Shah strongly backed Pakistan.

After the Islamic Revolution,  Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani  looked towards India with a difference. Bilateral relations strengthened during the Prime Ministership of Atal Behari Vajpayee with the Tehran and  New Delhi declarations. After a decade, during the visit of Narendra Modi to Tehran, the trilateral trade agreements and on movement brought Teheran and Afghanistan together for a joint cooperation.

Despite a series of MoUs and trade Agreements, Iran always supported Pakistan in all the matters relating to Kashmir, which was well pronounced during the Operation Sindoor. The only time neutrality was maintained while Iran was chairing the OIC.  Through Pakistan, Iran wanted to maintain a non-diplomatic channel with the United States. Pakistan was to insulate Tehran from the US policy of economic and political isolation.  With Saudi Arabia developing closer ties with the US, Pakistan tried to draw larger gains in the economic fronts.  The sectarian differences between the majority Sunnis and the Shia minority in Pakistan was not liked by Iran.   In turn, Iran gave support to Institutions of Shias and the Baluchis.  Saudi Arabia strongly supported the Sunni religious groups led to the mushroom growth of extremist groups, turning against India. The US and Iran were once partners in funding Mujahideen groups to fight against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. The Baloch minorities in Iran became united and formed Jundullah in 2003. 

Indian secularism lies entrapped in the religious renaissance of Islam promoted by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The religious and educational institutions in India funded by the kingdom led to an unparalleled growth in Salafism. Recent statement of the Pakistan Military Chief Asim Munir, that led to the religious executions of Hindu men at Pahalgam was a message for India.  It was an open call to Sunni Muslims of the Country to fall in the order of Wahabi fisabilillah, and the return of Jahiliya.  The Constituency of the Prime Minister, Varanasi houses one of the central institutions funded by Saudi Arabia. Al-Jamia-tus-Salafia - the Markazi Darul-Uloom was founded in 1963 by Yusuf Al Fauzan, the ambassador of Saudi Arabia to India.  In Keralam, Nadvathul Mujahideen and in Karnataka, Shimoga based institutions and in Kashmir Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadith are the other major beneficiaries.  Political Parties with radical ideology that took shape in Indonesia as Political Defenders of Islam in the style of Front Pembela Islam -FPI, an anagram of the same was transplanted in India.   The Government of India has difficulties in dealing with the situations after Secularism, the basic structure of the Constitution was enforced through a judicial directive.

 Indian Political parties continued their policies overlooking the undercurrents of demographic instability created through religious institutions.  Every Hindu establishment came under the cloud of some or the other allegations or economic offences. The refractive politics made India to evade the Zoroastrian community of Iran. After the religious revolution Zoroastrians had come under severe pressure and stress. When the opposition Parties voice the concerns of the historical relations, they also tend to forget the relationship of Zoroastrian community and India. After the Islamic revolution, New Delhi had a sizable number of Zoroastrians who refused to identify themselves as Iranians, but were proud Persians. It does not essentially mean that they were free and were well treated during the period of Qajar dynasty. They were confined to Yazd and Kerman provinces till 19^th century. Hardly a few had dared to settle down in Tehran.  It was Arbab Jamshidi who made a sea change in the Persian and Iranian Politics, trade and international relations. He established trade relations with the Parsi community of the then Bombay, the present-day Maharashtra and Gujarat. A temple of Zoroastrians was also erected in Tehran. Most significantly, he established a school for the girls in Tehran. Zoroastrian community strongly supported the Constitutional Revolution of Persia between 1905 and 1911.  Though much has been said about the imperialist Russian British interventions, Malek al Motakallemin was the key figure. He was in India from 1884 to ’86. However, his book Mena’ ḵalq ela l ḥaq on the ideological Shiite Islam was not acceptable to the Ismailis of India and the British Government deported him.

All India Congress Committee support group in London strongly supported the Constitutional Movement of Persia. Shyamji Krishna Varma was instrumental in gathering large groups of Indian students in support of the Persian movement. Indian nationalists, however, seem to have overlooked the Anglo Russian Convention and Edward Grey plan of dividing Persia into three.  In the same convention the boundary between Russian and British Empires was drawn, that gave complete authority of Tibet to China. It can be said that the Persian plan of Greys laid the foundations of British Policy to divide India also into three.  

Before the Government of India, takes a political stand on   multipolar conflict in the Western Front, much more exercises had to be done in the domestic and international front.  It cannot be let open for electoral politics or Parliamentary debates refractory Politics  has to be extinguished by all means.

 

INSTITUTIONAL INTENTION:

 

Institutional Intention:

Galgotias University in the explanation on the situations cropped out of a disputable technological display, mentioned on their “Institutional Intention”. It cannot be taken as an inadvertent natural manner of expression, instead depicts the core sets of the philosophical basis of the University.  More than an explanation, the timing used to apply such a phrasing indeed raises a question on the entire   Institutionalism in the education system of the country. In another way, it raises a question on the entire governmental structure and policy approaches in the education and technology development in the country.

Visibly, the personnel of the Galgotias University who explained the controversial display was not giving details out of her own knowledge or working experience on the Project. She was addressing the camera in the language of a preconceived written material, that probably would have been in tally with the description of the item given to the Organizers of the event and description of the item in the booklets for the visitors. The sudden jump into conclusions and actions led to loss of material construction on the course of the events, including why a government recognized institution entered into such a misadventure, or,  is it a calculated cake walk for a show piece and technological expertise of the faculty or a fabrication crystallized   in the limited faculties of some student or teacher? Or is it a well calculated collective decision on such a venture by the management of the University? Who gave clearances from the university for the article and the description? Equally important is the question on the conventions adopted by the Organizers of the AI Summit who gave clearance for the ‘Exhibits’ ?

What has come to the fore before a vast international audience is the audacity of the faculties of the university and the organizers. The trust deposed on the Indian Institutions and development centres cannot be drawn to infirmities in original thinking with such an incident. India, not limiting the glorious and outstanding graduates from Engineering and other science and technological disciplines would be rolling out not less than a few thousand innovative brains, who land up as mere workforce in some PSUs, Manufacturing segments or even get strayed into lucrative other professions. There may be few brilliant ones who dropped out of the monotony of the academic system and lost in the crowd. But who cares?

In between looms the aspirations and high ambitions of the managements and Faculty leaders of the Institutes who may leap over any norms to prove the excellence and the investments they have lured into their centres. The Pressure mounted on the students and faculties lead to disasters of the kind reflected in the February AI Summit.  If it was so, Idia would never have achieved self reliance in Chemical technology. The country remains indebted to the calibre and high quality of technical expertise created by the Faculty of the University Department of Chemical Technology created in 1933- set into motion by two stalwarts -Sir Visweswaraya and KM Munshi.  The linkage of technical education  to industrial production stemmed from the vision of VN Chandravarkar, the then Vice Chancellor of the Bombay University. If the beginners of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research had not set a the cardinal foundations of Ethics in Nuclear applications, the country would have been different. They had to first make gadgets and tools for experimentation as the country dis not have much investments or keen interest in innovative Research.  The beginning of Computational Research in the 1960s and Physical research were all carried out under the stress of financial constraints and the limited technological expertise. The state or the political governments cannot take much claim on the vision behind these massive structures that stand tall today.

 Yet, the question of ethical practices and the Institutional Intent” need to be looked into with a deeper perspective. How serious are Research Establishments, Universities and their regulatory mechanisms in the government on the Institutional Intent and Ethics of technological education and research. The country seems to have turned its face away from the voluminous malpractices in this segment in which both the Government owned and Private institutions are equal contributors. The retraction of research papers by the Scientific and Academic Personnel are a regular feature. Recently reports on the retraction 43 papers by a former CSIR Scientist were reported. After retirement, the same scientist through successive extensions continues as an industry sponsored scientist- a strong signal enough for the Government to employ a rigid regulatory mechanism to stream line the Emeritus Professors under the Research Development and Innovation Schemes.

Publications by the Universities of India is a booming sector. By the turn of the century, the number of published papers were little over a quarter lakh, in the first decade a steady progress was made reaching the count little less than a lac and then by the period between 2010 to 2020 the figures cross 3 lac publications. Between 2020 and 2025, the tabulation may seem difficult somewhat over 16 lac papers!

There has to be some restraint and regulation on the nature of publications as it will affect the reliability of High Impact Researches of the country. Retraction of research papers from the International Journals will raise questions on the overall credibility of the R&D Sector. Duplication of Data, unreliable Data, Euphemisms, Duplication, falsification and Fabrication of Images, errors in data analysis and interpretations, issues about authorship, doubtful inferences and results are some of the concerns which the Government of India has to take note of and find effective remedial measures. It is happening elsewhere is not an excuse or an acceptable tender. Research Articles numbering 161 from a university and its affiliates were reported to have been retracted between 2019 t0 2024. Galgotias University also figures in the list of papers retracted, those authored by the IT faculties or coauthored with other universities in India and abroad.

 

India is a country of ambitions thrown open to the rest of the world. Indian ambitions plunge deep into every technological arena to create a wider space for the highly qualified technical faculties that grow year by year.  Though the Education is a part of the planning in India, in 1976, the subject was transferred from state list to the concurrent list and holds some Institutions of National Importance in the Union List which among others include Inian Institutes of Technology, Information Technology, Engineering Science and technology, Science Education and Research and a few central Universities.  Some of the Institutes are under the Department of Science and Technology and administered by the state Governments.  Private Engineering colleges fall under the directives and regulations of AICTE and UGC would step in to deemed Universities. Accreditation Boards have another role to play.  All these are matters pertaining to regulation and operationalization of Engineering Education in the Country.

The present question of “Institutional Intent” does not find any erroneous interludes in the whole operational process of Institutional Operationalization of Engineering Education. The “Intent” is a question that has to be in tune with the Intent of the  Department of Science and Technology. The Fund for Improvement of Science and Technology certainly would be a milestone in transforming our Technical Institutions in hubs of Innovative and applicational initiatives. However, our Technocrats are from the same classic school of thought, who received PhDs and DScs following the line of research of the Guides and head of the Departments. It is quite natural that every Programme that is devised by these lineages will have its own drawbacks, who will leave ample space for rusted and mundane faculties to stick on to chairs. The reason for all these failures, is the Political system of the country, that takes least time and care to understand the realities of scientific research and Development. Following the FIST , Anusandhan National Research Foundation was created in 2023.

Again, would it be proper to say that India delves on the mistaken identity between Engineering advancement, Process Development and Technological Development with that of innovative Research and Technological Development? India has achieved substantial Technological advancement and growth. However, the growth and expansion cannot be linked to innovative developments in nascent technologies and their applications. Most of the research’s confine to adaptations, modifications, improvements or parallel operational mechanisms. It would cover a wide range of intermediary design and devising which draws a phenomenal volume of patents. 

The state of R&D in the country is narrowed down by the narratives that are enough to blink the eyes of the political leadership depending on the same mouths for their briefings. Advisories are the adversaries. Not even a single person have seen the fag end of the day, who have questioned the credibility of these big bluffs who have scores and scores and publications to their credit. The ill fate is that the same data is explained under different heads and slight modification and finds space even in the international publications.

Nothing more needs to be said. What happened in such a programme of National importance in the international stage cannot be explained due to oversight or due to misrepresentation of facts. It is time for our political leadership to draw a line between Academic Research and applicational research for the manufacturing sector.  What has to be done at a doctoral level cannot be thrown open to undergraduate courses. Faculty advancement and improvement do not mean process development. It requires a Philosophy, concept, objective, Utility, space for application and commercial requirement and value, gaps in the existing technological knowhow, design, components and structuring and modelling to begin with.

It is true that students develop brilliant ideas and they may not have the right methodology to develop those into a workable reality. That is where the faculties need to take up matters along the right direction.  Most university departments have a line of approach that is well set by the concerned head of the Departments and the institutions as such. It would be very difficult for any student with an innovative idea to find a space in the Indian situations. Some of the Professors on new posting to the universities used to take along with them their PhD scholars. The same is the case of our Research laboratories, During the Tenure of each of the Director General, a major shift in the themes would not be incidental. So is the case with the Directors down to each departmental head. The sickness of the Indian R&D sector remains unanswered. On paper the presentations are beautiful and the appear great.

But did any Prime Minister of the Country raise a question on why India could not be a forerunner in Frontier Technology development?

A look into the revenue generated from R&D segment will be self-explanatory.

A look into the revenue generated from R&D segment will be self-explanatory.  From the Financial Year 2000-’01 to 2004-’05, the Government of India had revenue from R& D segment 921, 736,696,839 and 4068 crores. From 2004 ’05 to 2006-’07 it came down suddenly 104.96, 117.34 and 111.9 crores where as from 2011 –’12 to 2015 16 realization seemed better , 669.75, 725,57, 632,92, 703.22, 8423,38 and revised estimate of 2015-16 was around 930.4 crores. The receipts from R&D showed better prospects in 2022-23 at 3554.84 cr.  Estimates for 2024-25 and 2025 -26 stood at 1272.43 and 2046.27 respectively.

During the 2021 period the production linked Incentive Scheme was introduced and till December 2025, the Government had disbursed 28,748 crores for core sectors. 

Sustainability of the manufacturing segment is the key component of a stable economy in a self-reliant country. Technological self-reliance is the key to economic stability and market strength. The biggest contributor in the and player in the niche carved out by the government for the R&D sector is a well-supported manufacturing segment for global competitiveness. However, the figures of the revenue from the R&D sector do not prove such a vibrant economy. It can be seen from the present budget demands from the R&D governing establishment, the Department of Science and Technology.  It raises the eyebrows a little when the Research and Development is estimated at 48.41 cr.  And R&D invention scheme at 20,000 cr, and Loans for other scientific Research to the same amount as for innovation.

Self Sufficiency in technology is the key to economic growth and diversification. India is still in the process of expansion of the manufacturing segment, which shows the deficit in technological innovations and process design and development.

If not anything, the “Institutional Intent” as projected by Galgotias is a wakeup call to the planners and architects of Scientific and Industrial Research and Development.